Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander †Free Samples to Students

Question: Discuss about the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander. Answer: Introduction The factors contributing to poor health among the indigenous Australians needs to be seen with the perspective of, the social determinants of health. These determinants are somehow complex as well as connected; they include employment, housing, income, transport, stress, behavioral aspects, working plus living conditions all of which are merged in respect to autonomy plus the capacity to participate in the community (Trewin and Madden, 2005). Together, these cultural and factors have a significant impact on health and behavior of a person. This essay discusses some of the determinants of health factors and their impacts on the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island Australians. Housing circumstances such as homelessness, House tenure, and overcrowding have a great impact on the health and well-being of a person. The aspect of house congestion occurs together with other factors including poor sanitation and water quality, which are connected with higher risks of transferring infectious diseases, exposure to dangers like smoking indoors and higher risks of injuries at home (Angus, 1997). Insecure housing plus overcrowding is also associated with other factors such as stress plus adverse educational chances for learners like school attendance and educational continuity. Besides, homelessness is greatly linked with poor health. For the case of overcrowding, the Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islanders experience homelessness in different ways such as being extracted from traditional lands. In 2012, about 22% of the indigenous Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders were staying in overcrowded houses relative to the 6% of the non-indigenous Aboriginals (Trewin and Madden, 2005). In 2011, Aboriginal or Torres Strait Island people accounted a homeless population of 28%. According to Trewin and Madden (2005), indigenous Australians were 15 times more likely to be homeless than the non-indigenous Australians. Over 55% of Indigenous Australians lived in remote overcrowded set ups in comparison to the 18% in the main towns. Household overcrowding depends with the social and economic position. During 2013, indigenous Aboriginal and Torres Strait people were likely to live in overpopulated houses if their housing income was in a low quintile besides the high-income quintiles (Angus, 1997). In another scenario, overcrowding was connected with housing facilities not working or being available. In 2012 to 2013, almost 28% of Indigenous people aged 35 years and above stayed in house s that were purchased or owned, 35% lived in houses rented via social housing, and 29% stayed in private rentals. By comparison, 70% of non-indigenous aged 35 years and above owned the homes they were living in. Statistically, rates of indigenous house ownership increased by almost 3% between 2002, and 2012 to 2013. On the other hand, household tenure patterns are greatly determined by a number of factors such as indigenous land arrangements in remote parts of Australia and socio-economic status. Although there have been some improvements regarding overpopulation as well as home ownership for the Aboriginal Straight Torres Australians, the outcome for the indigenous Australians remains very small compared to the non-indigenous Australians (Caring for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children in out of home care, 2009). The National Affordable Housing Agreement aims at ensuring that every Australian has access to cheap, safe, as well as sustainable houses that will lead to socioeconomic participation. Almost a half of these agreement outcomes focus particularly on the indigenous Australians in the remote areas. Also, the government of Australia addresses the issue of housing among indigenous people by providing support for house ownership via financial literacy aid as well as assisted loans via the Indigenous Business Australia. Transport is the primary determinant to access health care, goods services as well as support to the Aboriginals in maintaining societal obligations to traveling for the family commitments (Raphael and Swan, 1997). Aboriginal as well as Torres Strait people face a number of hindrances to accessing necessary health care such as logistics, cost plus the reliability of transport choices. Such challenges have a great impact on the socioeconomic status of healthcare service users who must travel long distances while sick, alongside carers who provide antenatal care services for people with disability, young children or even patients with chronic health conditions, substance use problems or just mental problems (Ospina, n.d.). However, limited or lack of transport impacts on the ability to access professional health care especially for patients with chronic diseases or health condition. In 2012 to 2013 health survey, transport was the key reason why 15% of the Indigenous Australians reported that they didnt access healthcare service when they were supposed to. For particular types of health services, distance was a hindrance to visiting dentists, counselors, and other healthcare professionals. According to Ospina, things such as availability of service in a given locality, distance, and waiting for too long were some of the hindrances to visiting a heath care professional when required 38% higher than the cost 35% or even cultural appropriateness of the service 30%. Logistic reasons were a significant barrier to accessing healthcare services compared to cost or cultural appropriateness of the service. Since 2003 to 2005, no change has been seen in the number of Indigenous Australians reporting that they did not access health care service due to transport and distance problems. A social survey conducted in 2008 found that 25% of Aboriginal Torres Strait Islanders people aged 35 years and above had traveled using public means for the 14 days and 40% lived in regions where local public transport was not available. However, use of public transport in remote sections by the indigenous people was low relative to the non-indigenous Australians. Also, studies found that 35% of Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islanders were subject to racism while traveling on public transport. In 2012 to 2013, 90% of Aboriginal as well as Torres Strait Island health services provided means of transportation to their customers as part of the community and health-related programs. Although transport is one of the key determinants of health care services among the indigenous and non-indigenous Australians, it also causes healthy risks especially if the mode used in the transportation is not safe, such as when the driver is operating the car under influence or alcohol or drugs or when the car is unroadworthy. Hospitalization plus death as a result of the injuries sustained from transport and road fatalities remains a great concern. Participation in the labor force has significant consequences for the health, social as well as emotional wellbeing plus living standards of people. On the contrary, being physically disabled or sick or even nursing an individual in a bad health acts as a hindrance to the employment participation. Besides the poor health outcomes, some of the key reasons for the indigenous Aboriginals having low labor force rates are high levels of contact with the criminal justice system, low levels of education plus training, a small degree of job retention and experiences of segregation (Raphael and Swan, 1997). The employment sector entails all individuals willing to contribute or already contributing to the supply of labor; they include the employed as well the non-employed. However, the remainder of the demography is in not the employment sector (Zubrick et al., 2010). The employment participation rate is the number of individuals in the labor market as a portion to those of working age (between 18 to 65 years). Findings show that over the last 15 years, there has been a tremendous growth in the indigenous involvement in the labor force. Since 2009, this increase has declined as well as the gap between the indigenous Australians and non-indigenous employment widened. In 1993, 39% of Indigenous employment age population was recruited in the labor force. This rate increased to 55% in 2008 and then declined to 45% in 2012 to 2013(Zubrick et al., 2010). Currently, the indigenous employment rate has increased by 4.2 points to reach 22%. This employment rate is higher for the Indigenous males relative to their counterparts, Indigenous females. According to the social gradients of health, characteristics of employment including occupation, job security plus control have detrimental effects on health. Employed Indigenous workers are likely to work as casual laborers compared to the employed non-indigenous Australians who work as professionals. Zubrick et al. (2010), holds that there has been an incr ease in the working proportion of the indigenous Australians working as professionals and managers in the year 2002 to 2012. Over the past decade, the percentage of indigenous Australians labor force in long-term unemployment has remained constant. In 2012 to 2013, Indigenous Australians were more likely to report family stressors of not being in a position to secure a job compared to a low percentage of the non-indigenous Australians. Such stressor was exhibited highly among the Indigenous males aged between 25 to 34 years. In 2011, the number of unemployed Indigenous Australians who did not provide paid assistance to the people with disability was three times more than that of non-indigenous carers (Zubrick et al., 2010). To reduce the unemployment rate especially in the indigenous remote areas, the government of Australia has allocated money to finance remote jobs as well as community programs High levels of education such as universities are connected with improved health outcomes through an excellent health literacy as well as good prospects for the social and economic status that boosts great access to both safe plus healthy housing, good lifestyle such as feeding on a balanced diet (Henderson et al., 2007). Research conducted in America showed that death rate declined at a swift pace for people with more education, with a seven-year increase in life expectancy for the college education learners. On the same note, International literature holds that improvements in children mortality connected with high levels of maternal education as well as attributed such to different factors such as greater knowledge and willingness to access healthcare services (Santow, 2006). The retention rate examines the rate at which a learner stays at school until ten or twelve years another measure is attainment rate the extent at which a student is awarded a certificate at the end of eithe r ten or twelve years. Historically, non-indigenous Australians had more retention and attainment rates compared with the indigenous Australians. Osborne (1991) on the other perspective argues that adult learning is a great tool for achieving better health, education plus economic outcomes. However, longitudinal studies show that people aged 35 years and above and take part in post-school engage in healthier behaviors such as reduced alcohol intake, improved social plus emotional wellbeing and increased levels of workouts. Henderson et al. (2007) holds that learning is supposed to be for those unemployed or those economically inactive so as to lower heath inequalities. Further research also points out that the value of education; especially in midlife is good for those with poor education at a time of leaving learning centers, with the qualifications attained at such life stage providing an effect against the heart diseases. However, disability plus lack of financial stability are some of the impediments for the indigenous Aboriginals completing post-school qualifications. There is a strong connection between parental educatio n attainment, formal education attainment plus measures of heath literacy. Studies show that heath outcome is influenced by an individuals power to use a broad spectrum of resources as well as materials to develop a strong knowledge plus enable empowered decision making in matters of health. However, low healthy literacy is a hindrance to acquiring health education information as well as assessing treatment. In 2012 to 2013, year twelve was the highest level of education completed by 26% of Aboriginal or Torres Strait Island people aged eighteen years and above compared to the 53% of the non-indigenous who finished year twelve in the same age bracket In a social survey conducted in 2008, indigenous parents sought ways that would help their children finish year twelve like support from families, school and friends, grants to assist with affordability, career guidance plus learning centers being fit for culture or beliefs. Conclusion This essay has discussed a broad spectrum of issues. It seeks to show the link between lower social and economic status plus poverty as well as the health outcomes of the indigenous Aboriginal Strait Island people compared to their counterparts non-indigenous Australians. Throughout the essay, we have discussed how education, employment, housing, and transport have been of significant impact to the health of indigenous Australians. All in all, the paper shows the extent of which indigenous Aboriginals have been deprived their basic rights through inequalities mentioned above relative to the non-indigenous who are more educated, have professional jobs and enjoys government privileges References Angus, S. (1997). Promoting the Health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island People: Issues for the Future. Promotion Education, 4(3), pp.22-24. Caring for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children in out of home care. (2009). 1st ed. East Brunswick, Vic.: Victorian Aboriginal Child Care Agency. 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